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What if the key to safer prisons is already in place

Education, work and visitation do more than fill time. They reduce misconduct, strengthen control and prepare inmates for life after release

California Governor San Quentin prison reentry

A pair of incarcerated men work in the coding center at San Quentin State Prison in San Quentin, Calif., Friday, March 17, 2023.

Eric Risberg/AP

Correctional reentry programs are often discussed as tools for preparing incarcerated individuals for release, reducing recidivism and improving post-release outcomes. But one of their most immediate effects happens long before release: inside the institution itself.

For correctional professionals, one practical question remains constant: What helps maintain order inside prison? While disciplinary systems, classification procedures and staff supervision remain essential, growing evidence shows that prison-based programs can also serve as everyday behavioral controls. Education classes, prison jobs, family visits and faith-based participation do more than fill time — they create forms of social investment that can influence institutional behavior and reduce misconduct. [1,2]

One useful way to understand this is through the lens of social bond theory, originally developed by criminologist Travis Hirschi. Hirschi argued that people are less likely to engage in deviant behavior when they maintain strong bonds to conventional structures, relationships and expectations. [3]

WEBINAR: How simulation training can help inmates build tangible skills for reentry

A different way to look at prison behavior

Much prison research focuses on why incarcerated individuals violate rules: prison deprivation, imported criminal values, gang influence, prison conditions or management failures. [2] Those explanations remain important. But an equally practical question often receives less attention: Why do many incarcerated individuals avoid misconduct altogether?

Historical prison data show that although misconduct remains common, a substantial portion of incarcerated populations complete periods of incarceration without serious disciplinary violations. Earlier national prison data indicated that nearly half of incarcerated individuals had no recorded prison infractions during measured periods of incarceration. [4] That suggests certain stabilizing influences are at work within correctional settings.

Social bond theory offers one explanation. Hirschi proposed that people refrain from misconduct when they remain connected to conventional society through four interrelated bonds: attachment, commitment, involvement and belief. [3]

Attachment refers to the emotional connections individuals have with significant others, such as family, peers, teachers or other valued relationships. The stronger these ties, the more likely a person is to internalize expectations and avoid behavior that could damage those relationships.

Commitment reflects a person’s investment in conventional goals and achievements, such as education, work or future opportunities. Individuals who have invested time and effort into socially accepted pursuits are less likely to engage in misconduct because they have something meaningful to lose.

Involvement refers to active participation in conventional activities that occupy time and reduce opportunities for deviance. Individuals engaged in structured responsibilities simply have less uncommitted time available for misconduct.

Belief represents acceptance of social rules, norms and moral expectations. When individuals believe institutional rules are legitimate and worth following, they are more likely to conform even when formal supervision is limited.

Although originally developed to explain delinquency in free society, these same bonds can also be observed inside prison walls.

How social bond theory appears in prison

Attachment through visitation

When incarcerated individuals maintain family contact through visits, they preserve emotional ties that often influence behavior. Maintaining contact with family, children or significant others creates a reason to avoid conduct that could lead to sanctions or loss of privileges. Research shows that inmates who receive visits often exhibit lower rates of misconduct than those who do not. [5,6]

Commitment through education

Educational programming creates investment. A person working toward a GED, vocational certificate or college coursework has something tangible to lose if disciplinary sanctions interrupt progress. Educational participation has been associated with fewer disciplinary reports and improved institutional adjustment. [7]

Involvement through work

Prison jobs structure daily movement and reduce idle time. Work assignments establish routine, responsibility and predictable institutional engagement. Participation in prison labor has been linked to lower institutional misconduct and improved post-release employment outcomes. [8]

Belief through faith programs

Faith-based participation can strengthen personal reflection, moral responsibility and acceptance of institutional expectations. Religious participation has been associated with lower disciplinary involvement among certain inmate groups, particularly where participation is consistent and voluntary. [9]

These are not abstract concepts. They are practical realities observed daily by correctional staff.

Why time management matters behind the fence

One of the most overlooked realities in corrections is that time itself becomes a management issue. Idle inmates often create management problems. Structured inmates often create fewer.

When incarcerated individuals move from count to work, from work to class, from class to chapel, they participate in institutional routines that reduce opportunities for misconduct. Hirschi’s involvement principle remains especially relevant here: structured activity reduces opportunity for deviance. [3] This does not mean every participant becomes compliant. It means structured activity lowers opportunity and strengthens routine.

What research consistently shows

Across multiple evidence-based correctional studies, several patterns repeatedly appear:

  • Inmates participating in education often receive fewer disciplinary reports.
  • Inmates assigned to prison work generally show lower misconduct rates.
  • Inmates receiving visits often demonstrate improved institutional adjustment.
  • Some faith-based participants also show reduced behavioral incidents.

The strongest findings repeatedly appear in education and work programming. [1,2] Not every program produces equal outcomes. Some interventions show limited measurable effect. But well-structured programs tied to participation standards consistently support institutional order.

Why this matters for correctional leadership

For administrators, reentry programming should not be viewed only as a rehabilitation policy. It is also a practical form of institutional behavior management.

A prison job is not simply labor. A GED class is not simply education. A family visit is not simply a privilege. When these programs are structured, consistently delivered and tied to meaningful participation, they become correctional tools that strengthen order, reinforce accountability and support compliance.

Often, institutions do not need entirely new control strategies — they need programs that work, grounded in sound theory and supported by evidence demonstrating that they contribute to safer and more stable correctional environments.

Each can function as an informal stabilizer inside custody operations. This becomes especially important when facilities face:

  • Overcrowding
  • Staffing shortages
  • Elevated misconduct rates
  • Repeated disciplinary cycling

Programs do not replace custody. They strengthen it when properly managed.

A practical correctional question

Every correctional institution should periodically ask: Are our programs merely available, or are they functioning as behavior-control tools? The difference matters. A poorly run program becomes routine paperwork. A meaningful program becomes institutional leverage.

Final thought

Corrections has long balanced punishment, security and rehabilitation. Evidence suggests these goals often overlap more than they conflict. Sometimes the same program that prepares someone for release also helps maintain order today. That is not theory alone. That is daily correctional practice.

References

  1. Duwe G. (2017). The use and impact of correctional programming for inmates on pre- and post-release outcomes. National Institute of Justice.
  2. Steiner B, Butler HD, Ellison JM. (2014). Causes and correlates of prison inmate misconduct: A systematic review of the evidence. Journal of Criminal Justice, 42(6), 462–470.
  3. Hirschi T. (1969). Causes of delinquency. University of California Press.
  4. Stephan JJ. (1989). Prison rule violators. Bureau of Justice Statistics.
  5. Cochran JC. (2012). The ties that bind or the ties that break: Examining the relationship between visitation and prisoner misconduct. Journal of Criminal Justice, 40(5), 433–440.
  6. Reidy TJ, Sorensen JR. (2020). Visitation and misconduct among maximum-security inmates. The Prison Journal, 100(5), 614–637.
  7. Pompoco A, Wooldredge J, Lugo M, Sullivan C, Latessa E. (2017). Reducing inmate misconduct and prison returns with facility education programs. Criminology & Public Policy, 16(2), 515–547.
  8. Duwe G, McNeeley S. (2017). The effects of prison labor on institutional misconduct, postprison employment and recidivism. Corrections: Policy, Practice and Research, 2(1), 5–22.
  9. Duwe G, Hallett M, Hays J, Jang SJ, Johnson B. (2015). Bible college participation and prison misconduct. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 54(6), 371–390.
Dr. Eliasar Herrera serves as a Contract Oversight Specialist with the Federal Bureau of Prisons, overseeing compliance, contract performance, and community corrections operations. He is also an adjunct criminal justice instructor at Olive-Harvey College and Saint Xavier University. His research interests include prison behavior management, PREA-aligned practices and evidence-based correctional strategies. Dr. Herrera is a U.S. Marine Corps veteran and holds a Doctor of Criminal Justice degree from Pennsylvania Western University. Views expressed are the author’s own and do not represent the BOP or Department of Justice.